Steve Baker - TPC
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Steve's Tweetstorm from Day 23 of Oath Keepers Trial - Nov 8
“This trial is being distorted..."
November 09, 2022
post photo preview
Greg McWhirter, from an official Oath Keepers video on YouTube

***NOTE: Today's compendium of Tweets is presented unedited - typos, maddening spellchecks, warts and all . . . (It's been a crazy last 24 hours!)

 

Day 23 of Oath Keepers Trial - Nov 8

 

Bombshells coming . . . 

 

Attorney Bright informed me this morning, Court might be going into immediate sealed meeting, related to “witness matters” that have come up over night.

 

Bright - Rhodes’ counsel - received notice last night of the possible ‘heart attack’ of a witness with exculpatory testimony . . . (who also may be a CHS??). This news was given to myself and Alan Feuer this morning, directly from Bright . . . he told us that the government itself is turning him into a conspiracy theorist, considering two of their witnesses have been indicted and two others interviewed by FBI since they were named on Rhodes’ witness list. And now . . . this?

 

——

 

At 9am, Mehta asked Bright to open, who suggested a sealed session. Metha asked everyone to go to sidebar phones, first to discuss whether or not they needed to clear the courtroom. 

 

<This has been a long sidebar> 

 

Bright puts on the record that their witness, McWhirter(sp?) , (VP of OKs) was boarding a flight last night and allegedly a flight attendant was alerted to what might be a heart attack in progress - attributed to some ‘long covid’ issue. Bright is asking the court to accommodate either juggling order of witnesses, and the possibility of flying to him for a Deposition.

 

Nestler steps forward to explains that two of Rhodes’ witnesses my have a 5th amendment issues, due to government’s ongoing J6 investigations:

 

Darrio Aquino - set for today - intends to waive 5th amendment despite his attorneys advice against.

Ricky Jackson - has “serious exposure” - due to newly opened investigation against him.

 

Bright personally and professionally feels the government is putting pressure on Jackson for the purpose of suppressing his testimony.

 

Nestler just shrugs and says they notified defense counsel they had a couple witnesses with exposure issues.

 

——

 

Woodward now steps forward to say they had put these witnesses on list weeks ago, and believes that in the MIDDLE of their ‘case in chief’, suddenly their witnesses are being threatened with prosecution.

 

Mehta literally steps forward and say there is no precedence in case law restricting the government from continuing to investigate and indict people on witness lists.

 

Woodard says . . . after spending two hours prepping McWhirter for testimony, he suddenly has a ‘heart attack’ the night before his testimony? (This, adding to the other two witnesses ‘suddenly’ contacted by FBI. AND . . . McWhirter, despite the fact he was in route to testify - didn’t contact Woodward, but instead CONTACTED THE FBI about his health issue? (HELLO!?!?)

 

——

 

Mehta asks . . . Is their Undue influence by the government? If so, does he need to notify the witness? Mehta thinks he shouldn’t make that kind of enquiry of witness, because it might scare the witness into taking the 5th, and the defense losing their witness. 

 

(I call BS on  his personal concern. Sorry . . . that’s just where I’m at with him.)

 

Woodard says in the last 15 hours THREE different defense witnesses have been contacted by the government.

 

Mehta is looking for a way to move this forward . . . not sure if he has an obligation to appoint a lawyer to Jackson. Nestler recommends it. Woodward says he will look for precedent. Mehta says he doesn’t have authority to grant immunity. 

 

Nestler prepared to submit proffer as to why these witnesses might have exposure.

 

——

 

Fischer stands to say that, “this trial is being DISTORTED,” because government had knowledge of these witnesses exposure as much as 20 months ago, and the timing of the government’s last minute interferences are extremely suspect. 

 

Mehta is asking if they believe the government has done anything unethical. Either counsel or FBI? “And I haven’t heard anyone say that, yet.”

 

Woodward is back to say he now has 6th amendment concerns about his ability to defend his client due to government’s “timing” of their interference with witnesses.

 

Mehta has directly asked defense if they are implying wrongdoing? (They are certainly implying this, without outright accusation.)

 

Bright returns to say they have Lee Maddox (witness) ready to testify today … in the spirit of moving forward … but that their intended witness list of having four witnesses ready today has been interdicted by current circumstances. McWhirter, Dario Aquino, Ricky Jackson were all schedule today. Tomorrow … Michael Greene (Whip)

 

Woodward steps forward to say they have one of their witnesses driving down, who can probably be added today, to help keep moving forward.

 

——

 

Fischer wishes to put government on notice (Rule 807) that they are going to ask to move in their witnesses previous statements, regardless of their 5th Amendment status. Government says they will contest this motion.

 

Nestler says he’s willing to consent to fly to Montana to get the deposition from McWhirter - if necessary - assuming all parties consent.

 

Mehta says he wants to keep moving things forward as best as possible, even if only two witnesses today . . . and will then begin addressing these problems as soon as they can get the details on McWhirter’s condition and look at pertinent case precedent.

 

Woodward is emphatic that he is hesitant to give the government ANY witness list under 24-hour rule . . . considering current circumstances.

 

——

 

Bright - for Rhodes - calls Lee Maddox to stand - from Cheyenne, WY. 

 

(I missed his entire testimony in preparing for my radio interview, but got back just in time to witness even MORE fireworks in the courtroom . . . related to the events of this morning) . . . 

 

——

 

Defense witness Mr Aquino was called to stand, and his own attorney (Crawley) addressed the court to declare his intention to invoke his 5th Amendment privilege not to testify. 

 

Mehta sent the jury out of the courtroom, along with My Aquino. Bright come forward to explain to the Court the content and purpose of Aquino’s testimony. Mehta is trying to determine whether or not to allow Aquino to please the 5th.

 

Bright explains that Aquino was in his hotel room having lunch and warming up when all the other events shown in this trial were taking place. That only possible charge he could face from government is that of entering a restricted space . . . long after all barricades had been removed and after thousands of people were already not he Capitol grounds. That he couldn’t know he was in a restricted space. 

 

The government then explains that Aquino was also on many of the Signal chat groups, and was personally invited by Rhodes to accompany him that day.

 

Fischer rises to argue that the government was able to submit and use Aquino’s own chat messages inter case-in-chief, but now they are being prevented from having the witness explain those messages. That this is what the government is “distorting’ this case.

 

——

 

Mehta interjects and tells Fischer he’s being doing this long enough that any witness can invoke the 5th in just these types of circumstances.

 

Bright argues they would like to question him specifically about the aspects of his interactions that day with Rhodes that does not address the potential charges the government might file against Aquino.

 

Aquino’s attorney returns to lectern to state he feels imposed upon - as a defense attorney - to argue against other defense attorneys, but that he believes Rhodes’ attorneys acted out of order in contacting his client without his permission.

 

Bright gives passionate and angry defense of his actions, that while he may have stepped out of turn, he had already issued apologies to both the court and Aquino’s attorney, and that if the court allows Aquino to invoke the 5th, he will fight back vigorously on the other witness with similar problems.

 

Mehta asks everyone to take a step back, cool their heels - that believes everyone is operating in good faith . . . BUT . . . he will likely allow Aquino to please the 5th.

 

——

 

Woodward stands and asks the court to grant Aquino immunity. (Denied.) Mehta says he doesn’t have the authority or the power. Woodward says he will work on getting him the authority. (Wow.)

 

There is a pause in the action as Aquino and his attorney are in hallway having a discussion about possibility for limited testimony. Mehta asks someone to go out and see how that is going.

 

Bright reminds Court this is only the second time in 10 months he’s showed his temper. Mehta tells him not to worry about it.

 

<sidebar>

 

Crisp comes forward to let the court know that defense will not challenge Aquinos invoking the 5th, and they can go ahead and proceed forward.

 

Metha determines it’s best to break for early lunch, and figure out whether or not they are going to have the same problem with Rhodes’ next witness - Mr. Jackson - and how to proceed from there.

 

Lunch break called at 12:03pm

 

——

 

Mehta back on bench at 1:06pm . . . Woodward says that he believes his client has been prejudiced by having the jury out for so long, and that the jury should be instructed to disregard anything they heard while the jury was still in room.

 

Nestler comes forward to read from Red Book instructions on how to inform jury about witnesses who invoke the 5th. Bright wants a more general “disregard” the witness. Nestler wants the specific Red Book instruction. Mehta polls the room on how many of them actually heard Aquino invoke the 5th, not knowing if the jury even heard it. Several raised their hands.

 

Bright says that out of an abundance of caution, he prefer an innocuous jury instruction. Nestler is back to argue for Red Book instruction. Mehta is going to throw the defense this time little bone, and simply instruct jury to disregard anything they may have heard from Aquino.

 

Mehta: There is no settled law in this Circuit about granting immunity to  a witness, but that in other Circuits, there are instructions which states the the witnesses right may actually be violated if they are NOT granted immunity . . . when prosecutorial overreach might interfere with a witnesses testimony. Other Circuits recognize that there are extraordinary cases when the court might run afoul in not granting immunity. 7th and 9th have found that not granting immunity in certain circumstances distorts the defense’s ability to present their case. The DC Circuit has not acknowledged that process. Leaving those case precedents with everyone as “food for thought” and may ask the government to present reasons why he shouldn’t grant immunity. ‘Chew on that overnight.”

 

Jury reseated at 1:20pm

 

——

 

Mehta instructs jury to disregard anything they may have heard from Aquino, and that he will not be bacon the stand.

 

Ed Tarpley - for Rhodes - calls Ricky Jackson to the stand - from Georgia. Grew up in Iowa. After HS, went in to Army for 7.5 years, active. Went into Army reserves for 20 years, and then earned his BA and MA after active duty. Worked for US government for 47 years. Retired for 1.5 years.

 

Became aware of OKs while living in MA, but joined them after moving to Georgia, in fall of 2020. Joined because other GA OKs told him of the “family” and service activities. Never attended any other OK event before J6 in DC.

 

With regards to his thoughts about the political events of 2020, he was worried about civil unrest, especially in his ‘over-55’ community. He was invited by other OKs to attend event in DC. He drove with another individual (Brian Ulrich) who needed a ride. They met with three other individuals out side of Georgia - one of those being Joshua James.

 

Own January 5th they arrived in DC to learn what their PSD would be for the day on 5th. (Roger Stone) He did not bring a firearm with him to either DC or his VA hotel. Five of them provided transportation and security for Roger Stone for event at SCOTUS, and then at another event in Freedom Plaza. That was the extent of their duties on 5th.

 

——

 

On 6th, they arrived in DC what event they’d be accompanying Stone on that day, but there was a lot of confusion. They went back to their hotel, after being informed it would be too difficult to navigate crowds with Stone. They stayed at their hotel for about an hour and a half. Joshua James asked if anyone wanted to go to Capitol to assist in crowd safety. He agreed, and they went back to DC and retrieved their golf carts which had been assigned to them. By then, the Capitol was completely surrounded by thousands of people. There were too many people for the golf carts, so they eventually walked to east side of building where there was less people. He went and stood next to police line, and never saw any violence or agitation with LEOs from his vantage point.

 

James eventually self they were going to walk down to the central steps of the Capitol. They eventually began to make their way to the top of the stairs. He heard James say they were going into the Capitol. He said he shouted up not to go into Capitol, and then took a position next to an officer, and had a general conversation with the officer - including asking questions about the “woman who had been shot.” The LEO had no info.  When he observed that tear gas and pepper spray were being deployed, he moved back down to the bottom of the stairs.

 

He was separated from the team, but had lost cell signal on his phone, and waited at bottom of stairs of them to reemerged from Building. When USPC officer were exiting building, he helped get the crowd out of the way so that he could help them reach a safe place. He told the officers, “I’ve got your back.” After escorting police out of the area, they were able to gather with a larger group of OKs at the NE corner of Capitol Building, where Stewart Rhodes was all present. Had only met him briefly the day before, on J5.

 

——

 

Did Rhodes ever discuss entering the Capitol. No. Was there ever a PLAN discussed to enter th Capitol. Had he heard of a plan, what would he have done? He’d have got in his truck and went home.

 

Police started throwing flash grenades into crowd with no warning. they were far enough way, but decided it was time to get away from the areas. Went to SCOTUS building, then got on their golf carts and finally worked their way back to their VA hotel for 4th reminder of the evening. They then left “bright and early” the next morning and drove back home with Brian and two other individuals. Has had no other interactions with OKs, since.

 

Was contacted by FBI on April of ’21.

 

No further questions….

 

——

 

Geyer - for Harrelson - wishes to cross witness. Mehta calls a sidebar.

 

No defense crosses. Government begins cross by Hughes, who begins by going back to Signal chats from GA chat group. He was added to the group chat on Dec. 11, 2020.

 

“I would like to get some. I would like to get some.”

 

Hughes shows chats from others in group, in which he responds that they can take “non-lethal” items. Then other messages he added to group:

 

12/20: “January 6th. The Great Reset. American or not.”

12/22: John Paul Jones: “I’ve not yet begun to fight.”

 

Now she references Rhodes open letter about “Trump needing to do his duty . . . and if he fails . . . “

 

Jason responds: ‘The Red line in the sand.” He claims to not remember sending that. Then another message from Jackson which he claims to not remember sending.

 

——

 

She has him identify the other OKs he was with during PSD for Roger Stone on 6th. She asks him about his timelines on returning to his hotel, and then back to Capitol. They went to retrieve golf carts at Willard Hotel in DC. She begins replay of animate map video that shows their route back to Capitol, with Roberto Minuta driving cart lead cart, and Minuta is narrating video. Jackson is in second cart. 

 

“You’re aware at this moment that this was not a peaceful protest.” No. Claims he couldn’t Minuto from other cart. She asks him if he was aware of the specific address entered into maps for their destination. She asks if he had contact with Rhodes. “No ma’am.”

 

Minuta: “Word is, they got in the building.” 

Jackson: “If that’s what you have, then that’s what he said.”

 

You heard Roberto Minuta berating and screaming at LEOs? “Yes ma’am.” Hughes enters video showing Minuta berating LEOs, with Jackson present.

 

Hughes brings another video into evidence, and proceeds to try and get Jackson to conflate his casual conversation with LEOs vs. Minuta’s berating behavior. Then she gets him to acknowledge that he sees his other team members going through the east doors. (He did not.) He continues a series of “Yes, ma’ams” to most of her questions, except to affirm that he had gotten separated from the rest of the team, and couldn’t be sure of their actual movements and activities.

 

Hughes enters another video into evidence, and asks Jackson if she hears Minutas voice. He says she cannot tell.

 

<sidebar>

 

——

 

Hughes shows another video with some more audio berating LEOs. Hughes asks Jackson to once again identify Minuta’s voice. A heated exchange begins, as he tries to explain he was interacting with the LEOs he’d helped to a safe location, and couldn’t answer the question she is asking. He asked the court if he can speak freely. Mehta instructs to answer question, and he snaps back at Hughes with a long answer about helping LEOs, and had no idea what other conversions, positive or negative were taking place. She continues to press him to acknowledge he was close enough to recognize the voices of his team after they left the building. He refuses.

 

She finally moves on to showing photos of where they gathered later with larger group on NE side of Capitol. She now is showing additional messages he exchanged with Joshua James on Signal from January 7th - James checking in to see if he made it home okay. Then shows that he changed his message setting on Jan 12 so that all messages would delete automatically after one day. 

 

She tries to get him to admit that his location and behavior could expose him to criminal charges. he refuses to acknowledge that.

 

No further questions . . . 

 

——

 

Tarpley on redirect:

 

“Was it your plan to overthrow the government of the 6th with a golf cart?” . . . no sir.

 

“Had you ever met Roberto Minuta before arriving in DC?” . . . no sir.

 

“You were on a different golf cart from Minuta, and couldn’t hear what he was say8ing? . . . that’s correct.

 

“Is it crime to engage in raucous language directed at police?” . . . I don’t believe so, under the 1sr amendment freedom of speech.

 

Jackson acknowledges he didn’t participate in many chats. Tarpley asks if he’s ever been charged with a crime for his activities on J6. “No sir.”

 

No further questions . . . 

 

<sidebar>

 

——

 

Mehta explains to jury that they are going to take a break from Rhodes’ case-in-chief, and switch to Meggs’ case in chief by calling their first witness.

 

Woodward - for Meggs - calls Don Siekerman to stand. (replaces his mask with a clear mask, because his wife is having surgery.)

 

Woodward asks what his position was a leader of his group. (3 years active duty Army. 3 to 4 years in Guard.) Joined OKs first time 2014, in response to their work in natural disasters. His work at the time made it too difficult to do much with OKs. Had a long career as both volunteer fighter and as a police officer in Mechanicsburg, PA.

 

Explores his difficulty remembering things, because he had serous case of COVID, that destroyed his thyroid . . . and has learned since of the other difficulties associated with long covid.

 

Siekerman reengaged with OKs a few days before the Million MAGA March in DC, (Nov. ’20) he basically provided voluntary security by just walking around and observing the proceedings.

 

Mehta calls for afternoon break at 2:48pm.

 

——

 

Court resumes at 3:06pm . . . Direct of Siekerman resumes . . . he acknowledges that he participated in the Stop the Steal rally in Atlanta . . . standing in front of speakers’ stage all day, and interacted with GA State Police chatting about police work and ‘war stories’ all day. 

 

Doesn’t recall names of speakers in Atlanta without prompting from Woodward. Recalls escorting Ali Alexander around to back of stage, using  wedge formation to get their protectee through the crowd, and might have placed hands on back of person in front of him.

 

Siekerman was asked to take a leadership at J6 event. Communicated with other OKs through Signal platform. (He has a very difficult time remembering specific names of people and things, without help from Woodward.) 

 

Looking at a specific message he sent, he talks about carrying a few “kits” with him: plastic bags, TP, wet wipes, in case ports potties not well supplied. Med kits, IFAK kit, to be prepared for possible injuries or traumas - even for everyday issues and accidents in such large crowd.

 

Recognizes an invitation to a Leadership Call. Never heard anything related to going into Capitol or stopping the election. Says if he’d ever heard any such talk he’d never had gone to DC.

 

Shows chat where he describes LEOSA qualified retired and active duty LEOs. He spoke directly to District PD to inquire about specific restrictions of any of their OKs might be qualified under LEOSA. 

 

——-

 

More innocuous Signal messages and chats are shown, including one in which Jessica Watkins describes her desire to attend J6 to help with PSDs and not as a spectator. He interacted with her as she is an experienced Army medic and EMT. There is ongoing talk about his efforts in scheduling certain people for 7th events of the day, including displays of brochures, fliers, and maps indicating where and when various events would take place - including parking restrictions.

 

More detailed planing messages for PSDs, including messages about acknowledging the support back home of family who put with their activities away from home. Even on J3, he sent message n anticipation that they may have problems with cell signals in such large crowds and suggested alternate forms of comms, like may even a Ham operator to set up rely point to establish more consistent comms.

 

He describes not feeling well unwell on Sunday evening before J6, and on Monday morning he felt so bad he went to the doctor, and was diagnosed with COVID. As a result, he was unable to attend J6 rally. He was so sick on the day of J6 he had no idea what had taken place . . . until he learned later. He was very angry, because it went against everything that he stands for - especially the injuries to place officers, and the grief to them and their families. He acknowledges the suicides of officers afterwards, and says he’s had experiences like that. 

 

He says he can’t say 1000% had he been there - because of crowd psychology - that he wouldn’t have participated. But he’s 99.999% sure he would have moved everyone away from the troubles.

 

As the operational planner for the OKs on January 6th, was there any discussion of plans to enter the Capitol or overthrow the electing results? . . . “No.”

 

No more questions . . . 

 

No defense crosses . . . 

 

——

 

Government begins cross exam . . . and begins asking Siekerman about his career in a small town police department. Gov asks him to describe LEOSA to the jury . . . which gives retired and Active duty officers to carry their weapons in other jurisdictions. He is asked if he could carry firearms in DC . . . but Siekerman emphasizes that there are nuances - not without restrictions.

 

Begins asking Siekerman about his memory issues, and then his post-J6 interviews with DOJ officials. But due to his increasing struggles, he informed AUSA Ahmed Basset that he’s been diagnosed with memory problems due to his “covid fog” - through a letter. 

 

Gov atty implies that he “can’t remember anything.” But Siekerman explains it ‘comes and goes,’ but can sometimes better remember things after seeing them again . . . like certain Signal messages. They pull up a message where he acknowledges one of the open letters Rhodes sent to president Trump. 

 

Has Siekerman read a paragraph from that open letter in which Rhodes predicts a “bloody revolution and civil war.” (*Prediction is not saying you’re going to start it.*) 

 

Trying to get Siekerman to admit that when TRhodes says “we’re going to have to fight a bloody civil war, you’re sayin you are ALL IN?” . . . It appears that way.

 

Gov now pulls up Parler messages from Siekerman’s account in the days after Nov 2020 election.

 

Objection . . . overruled . . . Woodward argues . . . <sidebar> . . . overruled

 

——

 

Parler messages admitted:

 

“There is a stop coming patriots. Prepare…get mentally ready…have absolute resolve.”

 

“…millions of American Patriots have the training, experience and tools  to go to war…it will be ugly . . . there will be a cleansing of the freedom tree.”

 

Gov then gets him to acknowledge “cleansing of the freedom tree” meant he was willing to kill people. 

 

“…possible civil was is not out for he question . . . the possibility is about 80%.”

 

Gov starts getting him to acknowledge that he was willing to kill other Americans in a cvil war, and badgering with questions about whose side he’d be on, and who he would kill.

 

“…do not blink . . . if the time come, no hesitation . . . total resolve . . . never ever surrender…”

 

Again, gov forces him to acknowledge that he’s willing to fight and kill if civil war comes.

 

“If Biden gets his way with this . . . there will be war.”

 

Gov badgers him to be specific about when war will come. ‘A couple days, a week, a month…?’

 

Objections . . . <sidebar>

 

More slides, and give begins questions asking Siekerman if he ever called DC Police to warn them  about the possibility of coming civill war? (Mehta shuts down that lie of questions.)

 

——

 

More Patriotic rah-rah messages in which gov is trying to get him to explain basic revolutionary-style words sued by Siekerman. Then tries to get him to define ANTIFA. sis him where ANTIFA’s headquarters are here in DC.  (Mehta once again tells gov to move along. Even Mehta knows the gov is badgering this witness.)

 

“That a Concord Green moment is inevitable.” 

 

Gov asks him if he’s heard Rhodes talk about American Revolution a lot?

 

Now switches back to Signal chats . . . Discussing his reach-out to DC police about gun regs.

 

“Did you tell DC police about Stewart Rhodes open letter?” - No

“Did you tell DC Police about the Quick Reaction Force?” - No

 

Message from Joshua James: “Do you have a farm location for weapons?”

“Not that I’m aware of, but my hotel has secured underground parking . . . “

 

(Been here . . . done this several times before in this trial. More of same line of questions about his understanding of QRF and DC gun laws.)

 

——

 

***WOW . . . Mehta appears to actually be getting impatient with the government, for once.***

 

***OR . . . does Mehta realize that this badgering of an old guy with sever Long Covid problems is not playing well in front of that jury?***

 

<sidebar>

 

***NPR reporter turns to me and says Mehta needs to tell them to stop f-cking badgering an old

Man with COVID.****

 

Gov moves on to a new exhibit. Woodward stand to openly object to why the exact some line of questioning is happening. 

 

Overruled. More slides admitted . . . of inflammatory language between other OKs . . . 

 

Gov asks why he didn’t turn “evidence of crimes” over to the FBI?

 

No further questions . . . 

 

——

 

Woodward begins redirect. Asks Siekerman to describe his use of Parler. He’d never been on social media before, and got caught up on that “kind of BS.” Says he might do it differently if he could.

 

Woodward asks him about the nature of the political rhetoric and vitriol at the time. Siekerman says it’s probably even worse now. 

 

Woodward takes Siekerman through a series of typical reparative redirect questions.

 

No further questions . . . 

 

Mehta dismisses jury at 4:48pm . . . 

 

——

 

Mehta announces that he’d received a letter from McWhirter’s doctor, in which he is recommend not to travel. Nestler wants to do this via a video hearing. Mehta doesn’t know that he can even do this in such a criminal case - but Nestler is quick to infirm that he will provide the necessary use law.

 

The defense counsel is not in agreement about the process for how to deal with this witness, and Mehta directs them to work it out and come back with recommendations.

 

Mehta now addresses handwritten notes from defense about witnesses tomorrow, including Mr. Greene . . . in which the FBI has presented only 6-pages of notes on what was a 2-hour interview . . . insinuating the selective nature of how the FBI is presenting the evidence from those interviews.

 

To accommodate the current disruptions, the defense once again agrees to bring in witnesses out of order. then discussion on estimates on how long each witness will take. (Something Mehta didn’t do a whole lot of during governments case in chief.)

 

Mehta wants to give the jury an idea of where “timing” stands, by Thursday. 

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New beginnings and the end of an era as I retire my bands

On December 8, 2023, Bull City Syndicate (BCS) played its final show. We went out with a bang, performing a top-shelf corporate holiday event to 700 enthusiastic attendees. Appropriately, in the city of the band’s birth — Durham, NC — The Bull City. I considered booking a final public show, but after much thought, I decided to retire the band in a more low-key, less public manner. 

In November of 2000, I answered an ad from an established local band then known as Soul Kitchen & The Bull City Horns. (SK) I’d spent a year getting my trumpet chops back into shape after a decade in the music business, managing other artists. I did not intend to do anything in SK other than return to my first love: just playing the trumpet. I didn’t want to manage the band and certainly had no interest in ownership. I just wanted to play again. Money didn’t matter. And in those days, even as one of the premier club bands in the Raleigh/Durham market, my share of earnings from a 9-piece horn band rarely covered my bar tab.

For many months after joining Soul Kitchen, I managed to avoid being involved in the business of the band. When asked by band members what I did for a living, I always lied and gave them a different story each time. (I remember once telling them I was in the CIA. Ha!) Finally, after a Sunday night rehearsal, drinking and smoking on the back deck of our original drummer’s house (Dave Wilkins), Dave suddenly demanded, “Baker. What the f—k do you do for a living?”

“You really want to know?”

“Yes!”

“I manage bands for a living.”

“WHAT!? Why don’t you manage this band?”

“I don’t want to. I just want to play trumpet.”

At the next week’s rehearsal, Dave handed me a manilla folder that represented the totality of the band’s “business.”

“You’re in charge now,” said Dave. 

(Sigh.)

Bull City Syndicate opening for Eddie Money in 2008

From that point forward, things began to change quickly for SK. First began a radical updating of our set list designed to draw more people to our shows and more dollars for the band. I began to pursue more private events and larger public shows. Some of the original band members were not happy about the extra demands and work required to make the move from a fun club band to a serious special event band, and we began to replace members. With the band growing in popularity, we were able to attract even more versatile and better-trained musicians. We went from being a really good band to a great "horn band," packing out every live performance and fielding requests for those higher-paying private events.

We then began to spin off a few side projects. The first of those was our pop-jazz 4-piece called Cafe Mars. Then, in 2006, we launched an aggressive recording project led by award-winning local producer John Custer. After six months in the studio, “You Make Me Feel” was released in 2007. An album paying tribute to North Carolina songwriters, and for which I’m really proud of the final product. Especially the original tunes written for the album by Custer himself. It was because of that album that Soul Kitchen & The Bull City Horns became Bull City Syndicate. (There were 17 other bands named Soul Kitchen at the time, and with an album containing original music, we didn’t want to deal with any trademark issues.)

Durham Herald Sun Magazine feature in 2008

When the economy began to tank in the summer of 2008 and into 2009, so many local music venues didn’t survive or cut their live music budgets drastically, and private event buyers were forced to hire smaller bands and DJs. Bull City Syndicate made the decision to add a female lead singer to the line-up — as that was a requirement of so many private event and wedding buyers. Our 9-piece “all dude” band became a 10-piece outfit, and the additional female lead remained a feature of the band for its remaining years.

Anyone managing a 10-piece band knows that turnover is going to happen — even when there’s no drama or interpersonal issues. People move away, change jobs, etc. Life happens. But, somewhere around 2010, there was a particular tumult that caused five of our members to leave, and suddenly, with no remaining original members, Bull City Syndicate became “my” band. We were able to fill the missing spots quickly, and the band really took off. No longer led by a “committee,” I was able to take the band to the next level, particularly as a private event and festival band.

Bull City Syndicate Christmas show in Raleigh, NC - 2016

There were many highlights through my time with both incarnations of the band: SK and BCS. My very first gig with SK was an opening date for Kool & The Gang. Our last such brush with greatness was when Dolly Parton joined us onstage performing her classic hit, “Jolene.”

We were honored to be the headlining entertainment for the last two NC Governor’s Inaugural Balls. We performed for some of the largest companies and charities in America: SAS, Glaxo, AT&T, American Heart Association, and too many others to list. We traveled throughout the Mid-Atlantic region for shows — as far north as Maryland and even down to Florida.

Our first spin-off, Cafe Mars, eventually became a 6-piece version of the band called BCS Express. Then, 10 years ago, we added a “yacht rock” version of the band called Captain & The Keels. (C&K) The same line-up as BCS, doing the smooth rock hits from ’75 to ’85, with appropriate foolish costumes.

Captain & The Keels in Hampton, VA - 2016

In 2018 came my most fun spin-off. A David Bowie Tribute act called The American Bowie Experience. (ABX) With that group, we moved our bassist, Randy Ines, over to keys (because of his virtuoso piano chops), and brought my son Duncan in on bass guitar. (Bowie’s son is also named Duncan. Just a coincidence.) Despite the growing popularity and demand for ABX, that band didn’t survive the COVID-19 pandemic after a year and a half of lockdowns. It was everything I could do just to get BCS back to work.

American Bowie Experience at House of Blues in Myrtle Beach, SC - 2019

The aftermath of the pandemic was the beginning of the end for BCS. My life began to change drastically. For more than 25 years I’d been a hobbyist political writer and commentator. My writing chops began to take shape in the early days of the Internet. AOL, Compuserve, and Prodigy eventually became MySpace. MySpace became Facebook, where my online following really began to take off. 

In early 2020 — long after the four versions of the band had become my full-time job and main source of income — “Two Weeks to Flatten the Curve” became two months of COVID lockdowns, and none of the band projects were allowed to do live performances. It was then that I decided to monetize my writing “hobby,” moving that to the captain’s seat of my endeavors and BCS and its spinoffs to the co-pilot’s seat. By 2022 and into 2023, my journalistic efforts were being rewarded with significant media attention, and my travels were keeping me away from the band and its needs with increasing frequency. 

In the summer of 2023, I was approached by Dallas-based Blaze Media to become a contributing writer. I was now splitting most of my time between D.C. and Dallas, and the bands’ bookings were suffering. With that came the hard decision that ultimately led me to retire from the BCS and C&K brands, make the total life transition and reinvention to a full-time writer and investigative journalist for The Blaze.

An appearance on The Glenn Beck Show in 2023

I’ve been doing music in one form or the other for over 50 years. At 19 years old, I was traveling the world playing trumpet. In the 80s, I was working for churches doing music and promoting contemporary Christian music concerts with the biggest names in that industry. Into the 90s, I became manager to national acts touring around the world — which caused me to put my horns in the closet for about 10 years. By 1999, I just wanted to play music again, and I answered that ad to join Soul Kitchen & The Bull City Horns.

Obviously, this telling is the very short version of that 23-year experience, and what became such a significant part of my life. There were hard times and bad times, but mostly wonderful times with all the guys and gals I was honored to perform with. We played for near-empty rooms and for as many as 40,000 at festivals. We shared the stage with famous artists and many of the best local musicians and bands. I will always cherish every moment.

BCS Express in Cary, NC - 2013

I want to express my heartfelt thanks and admiration to all the fantastic musicians who made those 23 years unforgettable. And to the fans who continued to show up for our infrequent club shows in the last couple of years. Many who’d been coming to see us for over 20 years!

At our final Durham show on December 8, I stepped off the stage a few times just to watch and soak it in. After the last song, and when we began the final tear-down and load-out of the gear, one of the guys said to me, “You know you’re going to miss this.”

Yes . . . I am.

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A Brief Summary of My Personal January 6 Story Timeline (Then ’til Now)
Mainly For Newer Followers, Not Yet Up-to-Speed on My Work

A more detailed account of my day on January 6, 2021, can be found here:

https://thepragmaticconstitutionalist.locals.com/post/3897816/what-i-saw-on-january-6th-in-washington-dc


 

-On Dec. 21, 2020 — two days after Trump announced his own "wild" J6 rally at The Ellipse in D.C. — I posted this announcement to my social media accounts:

“Regardless of how you feel about the election results, this might be a spectacle worth observing up close and personal. (I'm predisposed to believe this crowd will not riot, loot, and burn the city.) I might begin my northeast run on this date, in DC. Anyone else going? #tpcroadtrip2021”

Well . . . they didn't "burn the city."

——

-In my email newsletter that went out on January 4, 2021, I made the following comment:

“I am headed to DC on Wednesday. Why? Not because I think a crowd of any size is going to force government into a real investigation of the election results, but because the “powers that be” on all sides of the political equation need to see WE THE PEOPLE in force, letting them know that WE ARE WATCHING. WE are engaged! WE are not going to lay down to any level of tyranny — whether it comes from the right or the left, the Democrats or the GOP. I’m also hoping to document on video anything “special” that might happen, and perhaps get a few interviews from a variety of voices.”

-By “special” . . . it was rumored there would be some big announcement on the election controversy, (a release of The Kraken, maybe), about which I hoped to get comments from members of the crowd. There was nothing special announced from the stage, by Trump or any of the others. The “special” came later . . . unexpectedly.

——

-I arrived at the Washington Monument at about 9:30 am on January 6, and spent the next three hours watching the crowd grow to an enormous size — documenting it on video.

-Trump took the stage almost an hour later than announced, at 11:57 pm. His “warm-up” acts were ‘meh,’ and his speech was equally ‘meh.’ Because of the cold, windy conditions, the poor audio, and wanting to get ahead of the throng that was scheduled to march on the Capitol for the other events, I left the Washington Monument lawn about halfway through Trump’s speech and began a brisk walk toward the Capitol Building . . . along with thousands of others already peeling off from Trump's speech.

-I arrived at the Reflection Pool on the west side of the Capitol at about 1:15 pm, where I was hearing police sirens and what sounded like explosions. From there, I could see smoke and the arrival of DC Metro PD (MPD) units pouring down the steps toward the west terrace. I made the decision to sprint up to the terrace, where I turned on my camera at 1:19 pm, and for almost an hour filmed the violence and surging crowds in that area.

-Just after 2:00 pm I began to notice signs of Capitol Police (USCP) withdrawal. Shortly thereafter, there was a sudden surge of protestors up the stairs underneath the scaffolding on the northwest side of the terrace. Hundreds of protestors were now in unrestricted movement up those stairs, so I followed.

-At approximately 2:21 pm I followed hundreds of protestors through what some call the “Senate Wing door.” This, I would later learn, was the site of the first breach of the building. I did not see the breach, as it occurred at approximately 2:13 pm, while I was still on the lower terrace.

-For almost 40 minutes I captured scenes inside the Capitol Building, before exiting at about 2:59 pm, at the exact location where FBI tactical unit medics were trying to save Ashli Babbit’s life. Just over one minute after I exited through the South door, I filmed Babbitt’s extraction through that doorway, while the D.C. Fire EMT crew still worked feverishly on her lifeless body.

Screenshot from my video - January 6, 2021 - of Ashli Babbitt being evacuated from
the Capitol Building by D.C. Fire Department emergency medical techs.

-Shortly thereafter, I gave a couple of interviews to local media, found a restroom and a sandwich, then returned to the Capitol to witness the arrival of the Army and Air Force National Guards finalize the clearing of the entire Capitol grounds. I then returned to my hotel in Arlington sometime after 7:30 pm.

——

-For the next five days I began frame by frame review of my videos, and then started writing my first story about the event, which was posted on January 13, 2021:

https://thepragmaticconstitutionalist.locals.com/post/3897816/what-i-saw-on-january-6th-in-washington-dc

-On February 24, 2021, I published my second story about J6:

https://thepragmaticconstitutionalist.locals.com/post/3897816/what-i-saw-on-january-6th-in-washington-dc

-As I’ve pointed out many times, I got a few things wrong in my earliest analyses. I’ve tried to correct those over the following months and years as new evidence has presented itself. But, those two articles remain as written — errors included.

——

-Because I engaged in no violence, property damage, chanting, singing, carried no flags, and wore no political messages on my clothing . . . as the months wore on I began to think maybe I was going to have the same respect as so many other journalists who were not being rounded up in the J6 dragnet. But, on the morning of July 22, 2021, I received a phone call from FBI Special Agent Gerrit Doss. After he asked me for a voluntary interview, I immediately turned that over to my local attorney, and they worked together with all our schedules to arrange a date for the interview.

-The first attempt at scheduling the FBI interview was aborted on-site, on the morning of August 5, 2021. The reason given — after my attorney and I had already arrived at their Cary, NC filed office — was that they could not interview me, “because of my press status,” until after they received a letter of approval from the U.S. Attorney General’s office.

-My attorney worked with an assistant USAG, they negotiated a proffer agreement for the interview, and it was rescheduled for October 18, 2021. I was interviewed for two full hours, under the agreement that nothing I said in the interview could be used against me — should charges be made against me — in court . . . unless I perjured myself. (That didn’t happen.)

-On November 17, 2021, my attorney received an email from Assistant U.S. Attorney Anita Eve — out of Philadelphia — stating, “Your client will be charged within the week.”

-On Monday morning of Thanksgiving week — November 22, 2021 — we sent out approximately 200 press releases to all manner of media sources, stating that I — an independent journalist — was about to be prosecuted for nothing more than the act of “journalism” on January 6.

-At approximately 1:00 pm that same day, AUSA Eve sent my attorney a copy of that press release, stating, “We’re not happy about this.” He responded, asking, “Are you saying my client should forego his 1st Amendment right because he is being persecuted by the federal government?" There were a couple of other exchanges between my attorney and the AUSA before she went silent. I assumed that was because of the Thanksgiving holiday.

-My phone began to ring from interested media sources, wishing to cover my story.

-On Tuesday evening — November 23 — I received a call from Senator Ron Johnson (WI), asking me how he could help. As the minority leader of a Senate J6 investigative committee, he put me in touch with his investigators.

-On Wednesday morning — November 24 — I was contacted by an attorney who practices criminal law in D.C., who happened to be a federal prosecutor for more than 20 years. After a three-hour phone call, I engaged his services.

-On Monday — November 29 — my new attorney reached out to AUSA Eve by both email and phone, and she never responded. We never heard from her or the FBI again . . . until yesterday — August 5, 2023 — more than 20 months later, when my Raleigh attorney received a call from the FBI notifying him that they had “service of process” for me.

-This turns out to be a Grand Jury subpoena, requesting my January 6 videos. My attorney received that on Monday. We have been able to determine the DOJ has reopened its investigation into my January 6 activities. I volunteered to give those to the FBI during my interview in October of ’21, but they never followed up and requested them. The most unfortunate fact is . . . grand juries are not convened to investigate misdemeanor crimes. For unknown reasons, they are apparently considering a felony recommendation to the grand jury. As of this writing, that is all we know.

——

-Since January 6, 2021, as well as the time since my threatened prosecution, I have been very active in investigating many aspects related to January 6. Something I never expected to be engaged in. I have broken original stories, developed Capitol Police whistleblowers, met with Congress Members, and engaged with congressional staffers and investigators. All of that has been well documented in my blogs.

-In the fall of 2022, I covered every day of the first, nine-week-long Oath Keepers trial, at the District Courthouse in D.C.

-I’ve been interviewed for my work by innumerable media sources — large and small — from Tucker Carlson on Fox News, to reporters with both NBC and the New York Times, to smaller podcasters. I’ve also collaborated on several stories with The Epoch Times, and have been one of a small hand full of journalists who’ve been given access to that “41,000 hours of J6 video” by Speaker McCarthy’s staff. I am just now entering into a “contributor” relationship with Blaze Media.

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As I said in the beginning, this is an abbreviated overview of my personal “January 6 story.” I have no idea what the government’s renewed interest is in me or my videos. The only “crime” I committed on January 6 — technically speaking — is to have entered a restricted building. But, so did some 80 to 100 other journalists who have not been charged with any crimes. We all simply followed the story where the story went that day.

It would be easy to speculate that I might be being singled out because I haven’t conformed to the “preferred narrative,” or because of the sensitivity of certain stories I’m currently working on. I simply have no idea, so can’t really go there. Not at least until I see the subpoena on Monday, and we can get some questions answered about the status of my case . . . which went from “Your client will be charged within the week” to total silence from the DOJ for more than a year and a half.

Some say there are “no coincidences” in this particular game . . . but we’ll know more on Monday.

Stay tuned . . .

Steve

P.S. I have no idea what they're looking for in my videos. What's so special, that it requires a Grand Jury subpoena? All the good stuff is already posted online:

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Tweetstorm Rollout on Secret U.S. Army SpecOps Deployed on January 6
Having no name, this top secret group is referred to as “the activity,” “the unit,” or “orange”

THREAD: Two and 1/2 years ago, in my 2nd article about #Jan6, (Feb. 24, 2021), I revealed a “very high probability that both [Army] ’Special Forces’ operatives and U.S. Marshalls were mixed in with the crowd that entered the Capitol Building.”

https://thepragmaticconstitutionalist.locals.com/post/3842175/who-was-up-the-chain-on-january-6

——

10 months later (Jan. 3, 2022) Newsweek confirmed my sourcing with a story headlined, “Secret Commandos with Shoot-to-Kill Authority Were at the Capitol.” saying, “The role that the military played in this highly classified operation is still unknown.”

https://www.newsweek.com/exclusive-secret-commandos-shoot-kill-authority-were-capitol-1661330

——

I have quietly investigated this discovery ever since and eventually revealed my knowledge of a SpecOps group deployed on J6 to be a top-secret SIGINT group from Ft. Belvoir, just outside D.C. (I have no info if this is the same group Newsweek reported.)

——

I have long been aware of a current member of this “unit” deployed to the Capitol on J6. Late in 2022, I was introduced to a retired member of the same SpecOps group. In short, he was highly impressed with my knowledge of that unit, as they officially . . . “do not exist.”

——

They may not officially “exist,” but in 2007, British author @MickWSmith revealed the existence and history of this U.S. Army SpecOps group in his book, “Killer Elite: The Inside Story of America's Most Secret Special Operations Team”

https://www.amazon.com/Killer-Elite-Completely-Americas-Operations-dp-1250006473/dp/1250006473/ref=dp_ob_title_bk

Unlike the SEALS or Delta Force, this secretive Army team does not have a name. Only their specific operations are given a name, and they are otherwise generally referred to as “the activity,” “the unit,” or “orange.”

——

My source, who is a retired member of “the unit” does not believe his former group could possibly have been used for any purpose on J6, as it is outside the operational protocols of their mission. Namely, when he was a member, they would never be used for domestic operations.

——

Also, he says they would never have been “seconded” to @FBI. They have a specific chain of command within the Army hierarchy and are only ever seconded to the CIA in overseas ops. That said, he has been retired from “the unit” for almost a decade.

——

In my recent interactions with congressional members and staff, I have been informed that they are aware the “the unit” was operational in some capacity on J6, but have been unable to get answers from @DeptofDefense, specifically because they “do not officially exist.”

——

In recent weeks, trying to get more information, I’ve read another team of special ‘intel’ investigators into my research on this subject. Our most recent discovery is that they have been able to identify another current member of “the unit” who was at the Capitol on J6.

——

Before I go any further in this narrative, I'll emphasize that I've never implied “the unit” was deployed on J6 for nefarious purposes. In my 1st story, I theorized that they were simply there to “take care of business” should protestors get out of hand, using lethal weapons.

——

That established, their presence and deployment raises serious questions. Why are military forces being deployed in violation of posse comitatus law? Is it common practice for @DeptofDefense to allow military SpecOps to be used at domestic protest events?

——

More importantly, if this is not common, and was a one-off operation . . . having “the unit” seconded to @FBI on J6 . . . WHY? What did they know, requiring “the unit's” presence at the Capitol, and what was “the unit’s” “posture” on J6?

——

We are seeking more information, and answers to those questions, but do not expect to receive those directly from @FBI, @CapitolPolice, (if they even knew), or from @DeptofDefense. But, you may be asking why I’m talking about this without having all the facts nailed down.

——

My @FBI whistleblowing friends, @KyleSeraphin and @RealStevefriend have advised me that “daylight” is not only the “best disinfectant,” but also the best “protection” when one is hovering this close over the target. 

——

I don’t have the same covering as that afforded a reliable MSM journalist - as when @FBI had Newsweek’s @warkin release a one-year anniversary CYA story about their deployment of every 3-letter agencies’ tactical teams and military commandos with “shoot to kill” orders on J6.

——

So . . . I’m letting @FBI and @DeptofDefense know that I’ve now read three other friendly journalists, a team of think tank investigators, and several congressional staffers into the details of this story. “Whacking” me, to stop my work, will probably be counterproductive.

——

But, they are welcome to reach out to me and answer my questions. (I also have more.) I’m certain they already have my number. 

Stay tuned. More on this, and even more important J6 stories are in the pipeline. 

——

On Twitter, (or, X):

https://twitter.com/TPC4USA/status/1686907274692861952

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